*A* Labour Brexit Policy – Or *The* Labour Brexit Policy? Comments On Jeremy Corbyn’S Brexit Policy Oral Communication

Professor Steve Peers, University of Essex

Labour political party leader Jeremy Corbyn sharply divides populace opinion. For my part, I retrieve he’s neither the Messiah nor a real naughty man child – simply a politico who should mainly hold out judged on the policies he’s advocating today, non yesteryear dubious claims (or libellous smears) virtually what he may withdraw hold said or done decades ago.

In a speech today, he clarified some aspects of Labour’s Brexit policy, which had previously been rather vague on most points. Leaving aside his domestic policy arguments, too his critique of the government’s confusion on Brexit policy – which was accompanied yesteryear the audio of drinking glass houses shattering – he made some fundamental points.

First of all, the tone of his speech communication was important.  He began yesteryear condemning the scapegoating of migrants, setting of generations against each other too playing off the dissimilar nations of the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland – laying justified emphasis on preserving the Good Fri Agreement inwards Northern Ireland. And he ended yesteryear inverting the Prime Minister’s infamously narrow catch of national identity inwards the modern world, declaring that “we tin solely fully accomplish what nosotros desire to equally citizens of Britain yesteryear also recognising nosotros are “citizens of the world”.”

As for the content, the most pregnant betoken was back upwards for a shape of customs union with the European Union after Brexit – or to a greater extent than precisely, after the post-Brexit transitional period, where the EU27 too the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland authorities withdraw hold agreed that the customs matrimony volition locomote on (see my give-and-take of the competing proposed texts here). While the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland necessarily volition leave of absence the EU’s customs matrimony on Brexit, Corbyn advocated that the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland should “seek to negotiate novel comprehensive UK-EU customs matrimony to ensure that at that topographic point are no tariffs” with the EU, “and to assist avoid whatever require for a hard edge inwards Northern Ireland”. In other words, the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland would hold out leaving the customs union, but would silent withdraw hold a customs matrimony with the EU.

A customs matrimony agency that goods circulate freely betwixt the parties.* It’s linked to having a uniform policy on merchandise policy towards non-members of the customs union, although the EU/Turkey customs matrimony does allow for separate deals (at the cost, however, of additional checks at the border) too customs unions produce non embrace services issues.

Corbyn went on to elaborate that the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland would withdraw hold to withdraw hold “a say” inwards time to come merchandise deals, non becoming a “passive recipient of rules decided elsewhere yesteryear others”. He did non explicate farther his catch on 2 fundamental issues: what if the European Union were non willing to concur such an arrangement? And if it were agreed, what would plough over if the European Union was swell to negotiate a complimentary merchandise bargain with a sure enough country, too the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland was non – or vice versa?

On other issues, he said petty explicitly virtually non-tariff barriers, although his anecdote virtually the procedure of edifice a Mini neatly demonstrated the importance of avoiding customs checks for the machine industry’s just-in-time production process. He said petty virtually services either, equally good disdain for the UK’s fiscal services industry.

Corbyn did commit to “use funds returned from Brussels” on UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland populace services after Brexit – correct after criticising people for “making upwards numbers too parading them on the side of a bus”. The occupation with this hope is that the motorbus did non solely mislead yesteryear misstating the amount of coin genuinely sent to the European Union – but also yesteryear suggesting at that topographic point would hold out any “Brexit dividend” at all.  The government’s ain forecasts (which Corbyn after refers to, when it suits him) suggest a reduction inwards economical growth, which would entail an inevitable downturn inwards populace revenue.

Furthermore, Corbyn’s ain plans for maintaining a time to come human relationship would necessarily entail farther costs. He expresses back upwards for remaining inwards at to the lowest degree some European Union agencies, bodies too programmes; at that topographic point would hold out a contribution required for that. He also supports some shape of unopen link with the broader unmarried market, which implicitly falls brusque of total participation – given that he rules out the continuation of the complimentary displace of people after the Brexit transition, too has a listing of issues where he wants to “negotiate protections, clarifications or exemptions where necessary inwards relation to privatisation too populace service contest directives, province assistance too procurement rules too the posted workers directive.”

He briefly mentions continued defense forcefulness cooperation, but does non refer to internal security issues. Finally, he places repeated emphasis on non lowering labour, environmental, consumer too nutrient security standards. There’s no specific shout out of the EU’s Court of Justice.

Comments

Corbyn described a lot of things he supported virtually the EU, too also offered a shorter listing of things he disliked. Let’s await at the latter first. Ian Dunt has discussed most of the arguments virtually privatisation et al here – pointing out, for instance, that countries with a bigger province purpose inwards the economy, similar Scandinavian social democracies, also be equally European Union members. As for the posted workers’ Directive, a revision which mightiness address Corbyn’s concerns is good underway: the text of the Council’s seat (now existence negotiated with the European Parliament) on that revision is here. 

But that is inevitably linked to the things that Corbyn liked virtually the EU. The fundamental enquiry hither is: inwards legal terms, what exactly (besides a customs union) would the EU/UK human relationship await like? Presumably some shape of promotion hoc human relationship to the unmarried market. This sounds a lot similar what the authorities is aiming for, except that the Conservatives are troubled yesteryear the thought of making many commitments on issues which Corbyn is swell virtually (regulation of production standards, labour too environmental law, taxation avoidance), too conversely relaxed virtually the issues that Corbyn would desire exemptions from (competition too province aid). But equally long equally the European Union side regards such suggestions equally “cherry-picking”, there’s no argue to assume that a ruby unicorn is whatever to a greater extent than politically viable than a bluish unicorn.

Now for the most concrete business office of the Corbyn speech: the customs matrimony commitment. This mightiness hold out simply a tactical displace designed to brand life hard for the government, since some Conservative MPs also back upwards the idea. But it’s non surprising that politicians play politics.

As for the broader political affect of the move, an interesting article yesteryear Duncan Robinson provides show that at that topographic point is non a huge populace demand for to a greater extent than complimentary merchandise deals, especially alongside Leave voters, too that merchandise policy was non a major factor inwards the Leave vote. It’s possible that enthusiasm for complimentary merchandise deals is fifty-fifty less alongside Labour Leave voters – leaving Corbyn freer to placate Labour Remain supporters yesteryear endorsing a link to the European Union on this issue, without irritating Labour Leave voters unduly. Indeed, Corbyn’s speech communication was critical of the prospects of merchandise deals with the U.S.A. of America too China, from a Labour perspective.

In fact at that topographic point is also back upwards for Labour’s customs matrimony seat from a occupation concern perspective – suggesting at that topographic point is non a vast occupation concern demand to leave of absence some shape of customs union. The Confederation of British Industry backed the customs matrimony aspects of the Corbyn speech, too the Institute of Directors before proposed a to a greater extent than detailed (but likely to a greater extent than limited) shape of customs matrimony themselves. Corbyn himself noted that the government’s economical assessments suggest that time to come complimentary merchandise deals would solely withdraw hold a minor economical benefit.

What virtually the counter-arguments against staying inwards a shape of customs union? The “Labour Leave” organization may good telephone telephone it a “betrayal” of the Brexit vote, although it’s striking to banking concern complaint that this “Labour” torso has received major amounts of funding from Conservatives. Some non-EU countries produce withdraw hold a customs matrimony with the EU, equally noted above, too at that topographic point was no “customs union” box on the plebiscite ballot paper.

Some telephone telephone a customs matrimony a “protectionist racket”. But most countries withdraw hold some shape of merchandise protection against unusual goods; a customs matrimony is only a machinery of agreeing such rules yesteryear a grouping of countries collectively. Along the same lines, it’s suggested that a customs matrimony prevents its parties “trading with the world”, but many European Union countries (including the UK) withdraw hold a pregnant merchandise with non-EU countries, too the European Union has a number of complimentary merchandise deals inwards forcefulness or nether negotiation, equally detailed here. As for “starving the poor”, the impact of European Union merchandise policies on developing countries is ofttimes exaggerated – given that the European Union has a number of complimentary merchandise deals with too unilateral tariff preferences for developing countries, specially for the real poorest, equally discussed here.

Some would prefer to abolish all tariffs, but there’s no mandate from the plebiscite or the final election for that policy, which would leave of absence the UK of Britain too Northern Republic of Ireland with petty or no negotiating working capital alphabetic lineament inwards talks with the European Union or anyone else. And since that policy’s principal proponent, Professor Patrick Minford, accepts (indeed advocates) that it would “mostly eliminate manufacturing” inwards the UK, it’s non surprising that this policy has no appeal to the Labour party.

Time volition tell whether today’s speech communication simply ready out a Labour Brexit policy, designed equally a short-term tactical shot across the bows of the Conservative political party to hold out developed farther later; or the Labour Brexit policy, left deliberately vague on many points to locomote on to serve equally a compromise seat designed to appeal to pregnant numbers of both Leave too Remain supporters. In whatever event, its political significance is that it creates a clear distinction betwixt the Brexit policies of the 2 largest parties.  

*clarification added 27 February 2018: I'm referring to complimentary circulation of goods inside the Definition of the EU's customs matrimony ready out inwards Article 29 TFEU. That doesn't hateful the same affair equally "no edge checks"; equally the Corbyn speech communication recognises, a customs matrimony understanding would solely "*help* to avoid whatever require for a hard edge inwards Northern Ireland". 

Barnard & Peers: chapter 27

Photo credit: Grimsby Telegraph

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